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Home Politics & Law

The Maximum Fair Price Is Not a Price Negotiation

The IRA's drug pricing program is a regulatory ceiling masquerading as a market mechanism — and its second-order effects are only beginning to surface

Ashley Rodgers by Ashley Rodgers
May 19, 2026
in Politics & Law
0

The word “negotiation” appears throughout the Inflation Reduction Act’s drug pricing provisions, and it is doing considerable work. In ordinary usage, negotiation implies two parties with leverage, each capable of walking away. The Maximum Fair Price program that the IRA created for Medicare operates under a different set of mechanics. CMS selects drugs for negotiation. Manufacturers must participate or face excise taxes that escalate to confiscatory levels. The resulting price is bounded by a statutory ceiling — 40 to 75 percent of the drug’s non-federal average manufacturer price — that sets the upper limit before discussions begin. The manufacturer’s alternative to accepting the negotiated price is not selling to Medicare. For drugs with substantial Medicare utilization, that is not a viable alternative.

This architecture is not accidental. It reflects the political constraints under which the legislation was drafted. Direct government price-setting — the model used by virtually every other developed country — was politically untenable. A genuine free-market negotiation, in which Medicare could decline to cover a drug if the price was too high, was clinically untenable, at least for the drugs most likely to be selected. The MFP program threads a narrow space between these poles: the government sets boundaries, the manufacturer negotiates within them, and the result is described as an agreement.

The pricing formula anchors to non-federal AMP rather than WAC, a choice with significant implications. AMP captures the average price after discounts to wholesalers and retail pharmacies, excluding most government-program concessions. By anchoring to AMP rather than WAC, the MFP formula bypasses the inflated list prices that characterize the gross-to-net architecture and benchmarks against a number closer to actual transaction economics. The ceiling percentages — 75% of AMP for drugs in the first cohort declining to 40% for drugs that have been on the market longest — impose a price trajectory that compresses over time, creating a built-in mechanism for price erosion that mirrors, in regulated form, the competitive dynamics that generic and biosimilar entry would ideally provide.

The first cohort of drugs selected for negotiation took effect in 2026, with prices applying to Medicare Part D. Later cohorts will extend to Part B, capturing physician-administered drugs as well. CMS will select up to twenty additional drugs per year, with negotiated prices taking effect two years after selection. The pipeline of eligible drugs — those without generic or biosimilar competition that have been on the market for a specified period — is large enough to sustain the program for years.

The second-order effects are where analysis becomes more speculative and more interesting. Manufacturers of drugs approaching MFP eligibility face a strategic calculus that did not exist before the IRA. The timeline between market exclusivity and MFP selection creates a window during which pricing decisions must account for a future regulatory ceiling. A manufacturer that sets a high launch price to maximize revenue during the exclusivity period may find that the MFP ceiling, calculated as a percentage of AMP, compresses revenue more aggressively than anticipated. Conversely, a manufacturer that moderates launch pricing may enter MFP negotiations from a lower base, limiting the ceiling but also limiting the pre-negotiation revenue that the base represents.

The interaction between MFP and the existing rebate architecture is similarly complex. For drugs subject to MFP, the negotiated price replaces the net price that would otherwise result from commercial and government rebate negotiations. If the MFP is below the drug’s current net price — which is the program’s explicit intent — the manufacturer loses the difference. But if the MFP is above the current net price for some payer segments — possible for drugs with aggressive Medicaid rebates or 340B pricing — the negotiated price could paradoxically represent an increase from the status quo for those segments. CMS has addressed some of these scenarios in guidance, but the full interaction between MFP and the existing multi-channel pricing architecture will take years to reveal itself empirically.

The exclusion criteria reveal political priorities. Drugs with generic or biosimilar competition are ineligible for MFP negotiation, on the theory that competitive entry already provides price discipline. This creates an incentive for manufacturers to facilitate generic or biosimilar entry for drugs approaching selection — a counterintuitive dynamic in which a manufacturer’s best strategy for avoiding regulated pricing may be enabling the competition that the market was supposed to provide on its own.

Small-molecule drugs become eligible for selection after nine years on the market. Biologics become eligible after thirteen years. This differential reflects the longer development timelines and manufacturing complexity of biologics, but it also creates a structural advantage for the biologic category: four additional years of unregulated pricing before the MFP ceiling applies. Whether this differential alters R&D investment decisions — tilting portfolios toward biologics and away from small molecules — is an empirical question that will take a decade or more to answer definitively.

The pharmaceutical industry’s legal challenges to the MFP program, arguing that mandatory participation under threat of excise taxes constitutes unconstitutional compulsion, have so far been unsuccessful. The courts have generally upheld Congress’s authority to condition participation in federal programs on acceptance of program-specific terms, including pricing constraints. The legal landscape could shift if the Supreme Court takes up the question, but as of now the program’s legal foundation appears stable.

For investors, MFP introduces a new risk factor in pharmaceutical valuation. The revenue trajectory for drugs approaching MFP eligibility must now incorporate a regulatory price ceiling that compresses future cash flows. Discounted cash flow models that previously extended revenue projections to loss of exclusivity must now truncate or compress those projections at the MFP inflection point. The magnitude of the impact depends on the drug’s current net price relative to the anticipated MFP — information that requires estimating both AMP and the percentage ceiling that CMS will apply, neither of which is known with certainty before selection occurs.

The Maximum Fair Price is, in the end, a administered ceiling with negotiated characteristics — a hybrid that satisfies neither advocates of full government price-setting nor defenders of market-based pricing. Its significance lies not in its elegance but in its existence. For the first time, the U.S. government has the statutory authority to set a binding ceiling on the price of selected drugs for the largest single payer in the country. Whether this authority expands, contracts, or stabilizes will depend on electoral outcomes, judicial rulings, and the empirical record of the program’s first years. The architecture is in place. The consequences are still being built.

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Ashley Rodgers

Ashley Rodgers

Ashley Rodgers is a writer specializing in health, wellness, and policy, bringing a thoughtful and evidence-based voice to critical issues.

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Videos

summary

An in-depth exploration of drug pricing, including key databases like NADAC, WAC, and ASP, and how they influence the pharmaceutical supply chain, policy, and patient advocacy. The episode also introduces MedPricer's innovative pricing intelligence platform, offering valuable insights for healthcare professionals, policymakers, and patients.

Chapters

00:00 Understanding Drug Pricing Dynamics
03:52 Exploring the Drug Pricing Database
10:07 Patient Advocacy and Drug Pricing
13:56 Market Intelligence in Drug Pricing
How NADAC, WAC, and ASP Shape Drug CostsDaily Remedy
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Policy Shift in Peptide Regulation

Clinical Reads

FDA Evaluation of Certain Bulk Drug Substances in Compounding: Clinical Interpretation

FDA Evaluation of Certain Bulk Drug Substances in Compounding: Clinical Interpretation

by Daily Remedy
April 19, 2026
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Clinicians increasingly encounter patients using or requesting peptide-based therapies sourced through compounding pharmacies. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration has identified a subset of bulk drug substances, including certain peptides, that may present significant safety risks when used in compounded formulations. The clinical question is whether these regulatory signals reflect meaningful patient-level risk and how they should influence prescribing behavior. This matters because compounded peptides often sit outside traditional approval pathways, creating uncertainty around quality, dosing consistency, and safety. Understanding...

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